Acculturation: A Universal Process

What is Acculturation?  

Herskovits, Linton and Redfield defined it as 'Those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in original cultural patterns of either or both groups''

All Cultures express a need for change and at the same time an internal resistance to change.  That is to say, there are dynamic processes operating that encourage the acceptance of new things and ideas while there are others that encourage changeless stability.  It is likely that social and psychological chaos would result if there were not the conservative forces resisting change.

Both cultures in contact mutually influence each other to an extent, but the majority of research has been done on the culture that changes the most, giving an unbalanced perspective of the process. While that perspective is changing (Landrine & Klonoff, 1995, Moskos & Butler, 1996), we will focus on research to date.

Contact and participation

Individuals vary in their participation in the acculturation process.  Measures of Acculturation that have been used are: schooling, extent of urbanization, political participation, change in religion, language, daily routines and use of mass media.

An example of a contact scale is the Berry, Van de Koppal, Senechal, Annis, Cavalli-Sforza & Witkin (1986b) contact scale for use in Central Africa.  The scale included measures of use of language (both Sango and French), ownership of material goods, the technicality of employment (from hunter-farmer to employed wage earner), religious perspective (from Animism to Islam), clothing style, and amount of travel.  In the Berry scale, all of the above were found to be positively correlated, enabling the scale to be used for an index of cultural contact.

Attitudes toward Acculturation

There are three general approaches to exploring how attitudes held during the process of acculturation impacts the changes in a person or group.

1.      Intergroup relations

Attitudes toward the 'dominant' culture impacts the extent to which groups and individuals acculturate (or don't).  A typical scenario has the in-group esteeming it's cultural background more than the out-group, thus rejecting the acculturative influences, ignoring them or screening them out.

2.      Psychological Modernity

Attitudes toward modernity can be studied from three different perspectives.  The first perspective sees change on a unidirectional path from traditionalism to modernity, and can be seen in the 'Overall Modernity' research of Inkeles and Smith (1974).  The second attempts to acknowledge the difference in the construct of traditionalism, as different cultural groups will manifest differences in 'traditionalism'. An example of this work can be found in 'Traditional-Modern' scales of Dawson (1967, 1969), who breaks groups into four categories; 1) Traditional, 2) Semi-traditional, 3) Semi-modern and 4) Modern. However, it still makes the assumption that there is a single outcome (becoming modern).  The third approach importantly takes into account the assumption that modernity might not be the goal of change.  For example, Sommerlad & Berry in 1970 explored the attitudes Aborigines had toward the Australian governments stated intent to assimilate the group.  Thus we can see that some aspects of 'Modernity' can be acculturated, but other 'Traditional' ways can be retained. 

Acculturation Strategies

The way groups acculturate is also dependent on the way the new culture makes contact, as the initial contact will dictate the attitudes toward that culture. Whether acculturation takes place often depends on the relationship between the culture that is receiving the new traits and the culture of their origin.  If one society is militarily dominant in the culture contact and they perceive their own culture as being superior in terms of technology and quality of life, it is not likely that they will be acculturated.   This was the case in the contact between the English settlers of Australia and the Aborigines.  The English generally did not adopt Aborigine culture.  However, some minor traits, such as words for plants, animals, and geographic locations, were accepted by the English.  Since they were in control of the contact situation, the English were able to pick and choose the traits that would be incorporated into their culture.

If a society is militarily dominated but still perceives its culture to be superior, it also is not likely to be acculturated to the dominant society's culture.  This sort of disdaining rejection of acculturation occurred following the collapse of the Western Roman Empire during the 5th century A.D.  The end came as a result of repeated invasions by militarily superior Germanic tribes.   The Romans did not adopt the language or other cultural patterns of their conquerors.  It was just the opposite; the Goths and other Germanic tribes generally adopted Roman Christianity, the outward trappings of the Roman political system, and Latin as the language of learning.

A society that is militarily dominant in a culture contact situation but perceives its culture as being inferior is a likely candidate for acculturation.  This was the case with the 5th century Germanic tribes that invaded the Roman Empire.  It was also the case with the Mongols of North Central Asia under Genghis Khan after they conquered China in the 13th century A.D.  The Mongolian occupiers largely adopted Chinese culture within a generation.  They were acculturated by the people who they had defeated in war.

On a more psychological scale, Berry, Kim, Power, Young, and Bujaki (1989) described the ways the individual relates to the dominant culture.  These relational styles are known as acculturation strategies. They are defined by the answering of two important questions:

(1) Is it considered to be of value to maintain cultural identity and characteristics'

(2) Is it considered to be of value to maintain relationships with the other group'

When these questions are answered, we begin to see a conceptual framework that posits four varieties of acculturation.

Assimilation: Individual adheres to the other cultures values.

Separation:  Individual adheres to their own cultural values, and rejects the other's norms.

Integration:  Acceptance of both sets of cultural norms to a greater degree (making the best of both worlds).

Marginalization:  Rejection of both cultures.

An important realization to make is that acculturation impacts individual and social behavior differently across dimensions.  Thus, one could be assimilatory at work, Intergrational in worship, but seperational in personal life.

Contact between societies that are military and technological equals rarely results in acculturation.   This is especially true if both societies believe themselves to be culturally superior to the other.  Contemporary England and France are an example.  Words, foods, and other relatively superficial cultural traits regularly move back and forth between them (especially in the upper social classes), but there is no massive influx of cultural traits.  England remains essentially English and France remains strongly French in culture.

Behavioral Changes

How does acculturation impact individual behavior'   We can look at the changes that acculturation brings in two perspectives.  (1) Behavioral shifts, which refer to the transfer of behaviors over time.  For example, 90% hunting/gathering and 10% wage earner at time 1, and 90% wage earning and 10% Hunting/gathering at time 2. 

The other perspective looks at the conflicts that arise due to acculturative stress on individuals and groups. We can examine the impact of acculturation on almost any behavior or attitude.  The amount that behavior actually changes depends on the time a culture has been in contact, its contact behavior, and attitudes toward the other culture.

In the representation of Berry and Kim (1989) we see the most behavioral change in Assimilation, followed by Integration, then attempts to negate change through Separation, and a total denial of both cultures in Marginalization.

Cognition and Acculturation

As individuals negotiate contact with another culture, their identity can be challenged by new ideas of self.  Often, this can lead to cognitive shifts.  A prime example of a cognitive shift would be conversion to a new religion (i.e. embracing a new cosmology). One way of interpreting these cognitive shifts is by observing intellectual changes through acculturation. While much research has been done on the above (Scribner & Cole, 1973; Rogoff, 1981), the findings that cognitive performance is getting 'better' (note by whose standards, the test creator) is questioned by many, as interpretations run from people learning 'test taking tricks' to the Flynn effect.  My personal view is more or less a training viewpoint, thus, if our criterion is IQ, we'll teach people to do better on IQ tests.  Methodologically, the area gets fuzzy, due to the tests used and their interpretations.

Personality and Acculturation Stress

As cognitive styles change, it can be expected that people's personalities can shift as well.  For example Hallowell (1955b) found that members of the Ojibwa had gained characteristics of Euro-Canadian culture, while retaining a modal Ojibwa personality.  This isn't the case in ever acculturative scenario, as the linear reaction above is assimilatory, and the personality changes that might take place in people using an Intergrational strategy would be different (as would be the Seperational and the Marginalized). 

The changes in cognitive/personality styles can lead to serious social and personal crisis.  A short list of the difficulties that come about during times of Acculturation would include: sociocultural norms no longer applying, confusion about membership and self-identity, as well as depression and feelings of alienation.  Acculturative stress refers to stress that comes about in direct relation to the acculturation process.  In a review of Acculturative Stress literature, Berry and Kim (1988) explored the relationships between acculturation, cultural and psychological traits and mental health.  They found acculturation could work in both directions, in other words helping the person's mental health, or disabling people.

Some general ways of coping come with habitual behavior, which provides emotional security in a threatening world of change.  Religion also often provides strong moral justification and support for maintaining traditional ways.  In the late 20th century, this has been especially true of nations guided by Islamic Law, such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, and Pakistan.

Archival, observational and interview techniques have been used to asses the impact of acculturation on subject mental health. Some standardized self-report scales have been used to assess the above, but the use of positively phrased questions skews the instruments for those who have a tendency to agree. With their limitations, there has been evidence (Berry et al, 1987) of the type of acculturation strategy used moderates the level of stress in the individual.  Thus individuals who feel marginalized and are seperationalist feel stressed, those who integrate have the least stress, while assimilators also manifest stress.  The phase of acculturation the individual or group is going through also impacts the stress felt.

Other factors impacting mental health in acculturative settings

The openness of the dominant society certainly impacts the mental well being and type of strategy used by the acculturating individual and group.  If the society has a multicultural ideology, it may be easier for some groups to accommodate their cultural style.  If the society is prejudice and discriminatory, more stress will ensue. The individuals status is often lowered in relation to their previous location, which can cause serious psychological problems.
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